Sunnis, Alawites and all-all-all: the religious map of the war in Syria. Who are Sunnis, Shiites and Alawites: what is the difference and what are the main differences between them
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad took office as head of state in June 2000. His father, Hafez al-Assad, did everything in his power to preserve the mechanisms of the power structure he created. However, as experts note, Assad the father clearly did not have enough health and time to give his son the opportunity to surround himself with devoted people.
Today in Syria, the real levers of power are still in the hands of the ruling elite, the majority of which are Alawites. The Assad family belongs to them. But Alawites are a minority - they make up 12% of the country's population. By the way, Assad Jr.’s wife is a Sunni.
What is curious: in Syria, according to the Constitution, the post of president can only belong to a Sunni. Nevertheless, the Alawites almost completely control the government, the top of the army, and occupy key positions in the economic sector. Although the country is officially ruled by the Arab Socialist Renaissance Party (Baath), the preponderance of forces within it is in favor of the Alawites.
The position of the Alawites, who are more often called Nusayris (named after the founder of the sect, Muhammad ibn Nusayr, who lived in the second half of the 9th century), has always been unenviable. Sunni and Shiite orthodoxies perceived them as heretics and outsiders. Tensions have always existed between the Nusayris and other communities. It still exists today...
Nusayri teaching is filled with elements of Shiism, Christianity and pre-Muslim astral cults. Alawites deify Jesus and celebrate Christian Christmas and Easter. At the same time, the Nusayris preserved the cult of the sun, stars and moon. Observance of the basic Muslim commandments - prayer, pilgrimage, fasting, circumcision and dietary prohibitions - is not recognized. During the service, Nusayris partake of bread and wine and read the Gospel.
It is easy to imagine how suspicious and distrustful the Alawites are viewed by the orthodox Muslim majority when the imams gather in their domed prayer houses (qubbat) built on the tops of the hills in the dead of night. Sunni and religious leaders accuse Nusayri imams of divination, magic and witchcraft, and their temples are considered the haven of Satan.
Of course, during the three decades of the rule of Assad the father, the facts of open manifestations of hostility and hostility towards the Nusayris sharply declined, or even disappeared altogether. But the internal social cauldron undoubtedly continues to boil. The fire is fueled by the rejection of the privileges granted to the Alawite community by the late Nusayri president. Naturally, hostility towards the Alawites in general is transferred to the new president of Syria.
But belonging to the Nusayri minority is not the only problem preventing Bashar from sleeping peacefully. An equally serious problem for him is his position as an individual in his native community. The fact is that the Nusayris are divided into two far from equal groups. The privileged HASSA (“initiated”) and the bulk - AMMA (“uninitiated”). The first have sacred books and special knowledge, which gives them power over the uninitiated masses. The latter are assigned the role of novices-performers.
The new Syrian leader was never a member of HASSA by birth, membership of which is the longed-for dream of every Nusayri. Therefore, he must not forget how low his origin is. And everyone else (including the Alawite community) does not forget about this either.
Having taken the presidency, Bashar resolutely set about reshuffling personnel in order to strengthen his own positions. According to Western sources, from 2000 to 2004 he changed about 15% of high-ranking officials. Not only civilians, but especially military ones.
It is appropriate to recall here that 90% of the highest command staff The army and intelligence services have traditionally been represented by the Alawite minority. This situation arose at the stage of formation and strengthening of the Syrian state in the first years of the reign of Hafez al-Assad. It remained that way throughout the following years.
However, long before ascending to the Syrian “throne,” Bashar demonstrated his character. So, in May 1995, he arrested Mohammed Duba. This man was caught illegally importing cars into the country and selling them on the black market. This news would not have aroused any interest if it were not for the son of one of the most senior Syrian officials - a close associate of President Assad, chief military intelligence and at the same time, as Western journalists found out, a major drug trafficker, General Ali Duba. But in reality, this arrest was intended not so much to strike a blow at the smugglers, but to undermine the source of income of the general and his entourage and thereby deprive him of an economic base for possible fight for the presidency. The episode with Mohammed Duba showed that the young “lion” (as the president’s surname is translated from Arabic) is not only gaining political weight, but also deftly getting rid of potential competitors.
In the same year, the “heir to the throne” once again demonstrated his character by dismissing the commander of the Syrian special forces, General Ali Heidar. Only because he “allowed himself to disobey.” To understand the meaning of this act, it is necessary to recall who Heidar is. Like the late President Assad, he joined the Ba'ath while still in school and took part in the party's coup d'état in 1963. Subsequently, having led the special forces, he played one of the main roles in suppressing protests by supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood organization in the city of Hama in 1982. And so Bashar fired him for... “insufficient respect.” For the honored general, who was part of the president’s inner circle, this is a painful blow. For everyone else, this is an instructive lesson.
It is quite noteworthy that the anti-corruption campaign also affected the Assad clan. In November 1996, following an investigation into high-level corruption by Bashar and his men, one of the largest restaurants in Damascus was closed. It belonged to the eldest son of President Rifaat Assad's brother, who, according to Western intelligence services, was one of the largest drug traffickers in the Middle East. Bashar admitted then that he took this step because he was tired of the behavior of his uncle and cousins (Fares and Darid) and decided to put an end to them once and for all. At the same time, the “heir to the throne” managed to oversee investment policy issues. He became friends with young businessmen (“new Syrians”), which included the offspring of many representatives of the highest echelons of power. From time to time he lobbied for their interests, counting on their support in the future.
But let's go back to the beginning of Bashar al-Assad's presidency. On December 10, 2001, he accepted the government's resignation. It was headed by Mustafa Miro, and he was also tasked with forming a new cabinet. The new government consisted mainly not of officers, but of civil servants under the age of 50. This was the first civilian government in Syria in recent times.
During the personnel changes made by the young president in the new government, General A. Hammoud was appointed to the post of Minister of Internal Affairs instead of the dismissed M. Harb (another of the old associates of the late Assad). Prior to this, he (a representative of the Alawite community) headed the Syrian General Intelligence Directorate for several months. Sunni general H. Al-Bakhtiar was appointed in his place.
In January 2002, the Chief of the General Staff, A. Aslan, an Alawite and one of the high-ranking military men close to the late Assad, was dismissed. In the army, Aslan enjoyed a reputation as a leader who significantly strengthened the combat capability of the Syrian armed forces. Appointed to this post after the resignation of Hikmat Shehabi in 1998, he, as analysts noted, could not find mutual language with Bashar’s brother-in-law General Asaf Shaukat, who after the death of Assad Sr. actually led all personnel issues in security forces Syria.
Aslan's resignation from the post of chief of the general staff was also explained by the fact that for 24 years this post was held by a representative of the Sunni community of Aleppo. When Aslan arrived, the army started talking about further “Alawitization” of the command staff of the Syrian armed forces. Aslan's deputy, 67-year-old Sunni general Hassan Turkmani, was appointed to replace Aslan. IN Syrian army he was known as one of the faithful and consistent supporters of strengthening military-technical cooperation with Russia. At the same time, the head of counterintelligence of the Air Force/Air Defense (one of the most “closed” Syrian intelligence services and closest to the late Assad), General I. Al-Khoweiji, resigned.
In early March of the same year, Bashar fired “for gross violations of standards of conduct and abuse of authority” about thirty high-ranking intelligence officers. Basically, these were employees of the territorial departments of the political security department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Syria, headed by one of his closest associates former president General A. Hassan. In October 2002, he was dismissed. Instead, Bashar appointed the head of the department as the commander of the intelligence of the Syrian troops in Lebanon, Ghazi Kanaan (who committed suicide in February 2005 after the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri).
In September 2003, Bashar dismissed the government headed by Mustafa Miro. The new cabinet was tasked with forming the Chairman of Parliament, Mohammed Naji Atari. Arab analysts noted then that the change of government was associated with a new impetus that the young president wanted to give to the process of liberal reforms. Atari is a representative of a radical faction advocating an accelerated transition of the Syrian economy to a market economy.
On May 11, 2004, the Minister of Defense, corps general of the first degree, Mustafa Tlas, who held this post for 30 years, lost his post. By the way, for the last 20 years he has been engaged not so much in the armed forces as in literary creativity. The already mentioned Turkmani was appointed in his place.
The next candidate for resignation could be Foreign Minister Farouk Sharaa, the head of the Foreign Ministry since 1984. According to the Arab press, the current president believes that the head of the foreign policy department is failing to cope with his responsibilities and cannot defend the country’s position in the international arena.
In July 2004, the Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Corps General A. Sayyad, resigned. Another Deputy Chief of the General Staff, F. Issa, as well as the Deputy Minister of Defense, Corps General A. Nabbi, retired after him.
On October 4, 2004, Bashar made a major reshuffle in the government, dismissing the ministers of interior, economy, information, justice, industry, labor, health and religious affairs. Ghazi Kanaan was appointed head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and Minister of Information - Chief Editor government newspaper "Baath" Mahdi Dakhlall.
The situation is more difficult with the Syrian intelligence services. There, permutations (more precisely, their consequences) are weighed and, if possible, predicted. It must be admitted that deciding to make such a change in Syria is a very risky business. But, obviously, being in power for more than five years, Assad Jr. learned to navigate the Middle Eastern reality.
It is worth recalling that under Hafez al-Assad, broad powers of power were concentrated in the hands of the Sunnis. Tlas served as Minister of Defense, the now disgraced Abdel Halim Khaddam became first vice president, Shehabi became chief of the general staff.
However, the late Assad preferred to rely primarily on his Alawite relatives and friends. The president's siblings (Rifaat, Jamil, Ismail, Muhammad, Ali Suleiman) received responsible positions in the army, state and party bodies.
It is not surprising that the Alawites formed a “shadow club of the elite” (“Supreme Alawite Council”), which made decisions on all fundamental and socio-economic issues. The Alawites took strict control not only of the security forces, but also government agencies, economic institutions, part of big business.
What awaits the current president, given his belonging to the Alawite minority? The question is very relevant, given that in Syria there really is a significant potential for dissatisfaction with the current government, which could burst to the surface when a suitable reason appears.
Analysts do not rule out the possibility of a coup attempt by Sunni Muslims. Representatives of the Sunni majority are dissatisfied with the omnipotence of the Alawite minority. The struggle for power with clan undertones does not subside in the state apparatus and generals, and representatives of the new business elite are also striving for power. Hostile to the current regime are Islamic fundamentalists, whose uprising the late President Assad brutally suppressed in the early 80s.
A conspiracy by Alawite generals in the army, dissatisfied with Bashar, who, in their opinion, does not have a “military bone”, is also quite likely. They (including Sunni generals) are also unhappy that the young president has withdrawn most of the Syrian troops from Lebanon. Until now, this country has been a tasty feeding trough for them. And Bashar, with one order, eliminated sources of income and well-run business for many influential generals - first of all, smuggling trade.
Not all is well within the Assad family itself. Bashar’s uncle Rifaat, who lives abroad, has put forward his claims to power and still lays claim to “the throne.” He, a former curator of the Syrian intelligence services, is well versed in all the nuances of the internal political struggle in Syria and has many supporters in the intelligence services and army.
Therefore, the likelihood of a radical reshuffling of forces within the Syrian establishment in favor of the Sunni majority should not be downplayed. The fate of peaceful coexistence in Syria largely depends on how flexibly Bashar al-Assad will pursue his religious policy...
Sunnis, Shiites, Alawites - the names of these and other religious groups of Islam can often be found in the news today, but for many these words mean nothing.
The widest movement in Islam.
What does the name mean?
In Arabic: Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jamaa ("people of the Sunnah and the harmony of the community"). The first part of the name means following the path of the prophet (ahl al-sunnah), and the second part is recognition of the great mission of the prophet and his companions in solving problems by following their path.
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The Sunnah is the second fundamental book of Islam after the Koran. This is an oral tradition, later formalized in the form of hadiths, sayings of the prophet's companions about the sayings and actions of Muhammad.
Despite its initially oral nature, it is the main guide for Muslims.
When did it arise
After the death of Caliph Uthman in 656.
How many followers
About one and a half billion people. 90% of all professing Islam.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
Sunnis are very sensitive to following the sunnah of the prophet. The Quran and Sunnah are the two main sources of faith, however, if a life problem is not described in them, you should trust your rational choice.
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Six collections of hadiths (Ibn-Maji, an-Nasai, Imam Muslim, al-Bukhari, Abu Daud and at-Tirmidhi) are considered reliable.
The reign of the first four Islamic princes - caliphs: Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Ali is considered righteous.
Islam also has developed madhhabs - legal schools and aqidas - “concepts of faith”. Sunnis recognize four madhhabs (Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanafi and Shabali) and three concepts of faith (Maturidism, Ash'ari teachings and Asariyya).
What does the name mean?
Shiya - “adherents”, “followers”.
When did it arise
After the death of Caliph Uthman, revered by the Muslim community, in 656.
How many followers
According to various estimates, from 10 to 20 percent of all Muslims. The number of Shiites may number around 200 million.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
Recognized as the only righteous caliph cousin and the uncle of the prophet - Caliph Ali ibn Abu Talib. According to Shiites, he is the only one who was born in the Kaaba - main shrine Mohammedans in Mecca.
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Shiites are distinguished by the belief that the leadership of the ummah (Muslim community) should be carried out by the highest clerics chosen by Allah - imams, mediators between God and man.
The first twelve imams from the clan of Ali (who lived in 600 - 874 from Ali to Mahdi) are recognized as saints.
The latter is considered to have mysteriously disappeared (“hidden” by God); he must appear before the End of the World in the form of a messiah.
The main movement of Shiites are the Twelver Shiites, who are traditionally called Shiites. The school of law that corresponds to them is the Jafarite madhhab. There are a lot of Shiite sects and movements: these are Ismailis, Druze, Alawites, Zaydis, Sheikhites, Kaysanites, Yarsan.
Holy places
Imam Hussein and al-Abbas mosques in Karbala (Iraq), Imam Ali mosque in Najaf (Iraq), Imam Reza mosque in Mashhad (Iran), Ali-Askari mosque in Samarra (Iraq).
What does the name mean?
Sufism or tasawwuf comes in different versions from the word “suf” (wool) or “as-safa” (purity). Also, originally the expression “ahl al-suffa” (people of the bench) meant the poor companions of Muhammad who lived in his mosque. They were distinguished by their asceticism.
When did it arise
VIII century. It is divided into three periods: asceticism (zuhd), Sufism (tasawwuf), and the period of Sufi brotherhoods (tariqa).
How many followers
The number of modern followers is small, but they can be found in a wide variety of countries.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
Muhammad, according to the Sufis, showed by his example the path of spiritual education of the individual and society - asceticism, contentment with little, contempt for earthly goods, wealth and power. The Ashabs (companions of Muhammad) and Ahl al-Suffa (people of the bench) also followed the right path. Asceticism was characteristic of many subsequent hadith collectors, reciters of the Koran and participants in jihad (Mujahideen).
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The main features of Sufism are a very strict adherence to the Koran and Sunnah, reflection on the meaning of the Koran, additional prayers and fasts, renunciation of all worldly things, the cult of poverty, and refusal to cooperate with the authorities. Sufi teachings have always focused on the individual, his intentions and awareness of truths.
Many Islamic scholars and philosophers were Sufis. Tariqats are real monastic orders of Sufis, glorified in Islamic culture. Murids, students of Sufi sheikhs, were brought up in modest monasteries and cells scattered across the deserts. Dervishes are hermit monks. They could be found very often among Sufis.
Sunni school of belief, most adherents are Salafis.
What does the name mean?
Asar means “trace”, “tradition”, “quote”.
When did it arise
They reject kalam (Muslim philosophy) and adhere to a strict and straightforward reading of the Koran. In their opinion, people should not come up with a rational explanation for unclear places in the text, but accept them as they are. They believe that the Koran was not created by anyone, but is the direct speech of God. Anyone who denies this is not considered Muslim.
Salafis
They are the ones most often associated with Islamic fundamentalists.
What does the name mean?
As-salaf - “ancestors”, “predecessors”. As-salaf as-salihun - a call to follow the lifestyle of the righteous ancestors.
When did it arise
Developed in the 9th-14th centuries.
How many followers
According to American Islamic experts, the number of Salafis around the world could reach 50 million.
Main areas of residence
Belief in an unconditionally one God, non-acceptance of innovations and alien cultural admixtures in Islam. Salafis are the main critics of Sufis. It is considered a Sunni movement.
Famous representatives
Salafis consider Islamic theologians al-Shafi'i, Ibn Hanbal and Ibn Taymiyya to be their teachers. The well-known organization “Muslim Brotherhood” is cautiously classified as Salafists.
Wahhabis
What does the name mean?
Wahhabism or al-Wahhabiya is understood in Islam as the rejection of innovations or everything that was not in original Islam, the cultivation of strong monotheism and the rejection of the worship of saints, the struggle for the purification of religion (jihad). Named after the Arab theologian Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab
When did it arise
In the 18th century.
How many followers
In some countries, the number can reach 5% of all Muslims, however, there are no exact statistics.
Main areas of residence
Small groups in the countries of the Arabian Peninsula and locally throughout the Islamic world. Origin region: Arabia.
They share Salafi ideas, which is why names are often used as synonyms. However, the name "Wahhabis" is often understood as derogatory.
Mu'tazilites
What does the name mean?
“Separated”, “withdrawn”. Self-name - ahl al-adl wa-tawhid (people of justice and monotheism).
When did it arise
VIII-IX centuries.
One of the first major trends in kalam (literally: “word”, “speech”, reasoning on the topic of religion and philosophy). Basic principles:
justice (al-adl): God gives free will, but cannot violate the established best, fair order;
monotheism (al-tawhid): denial of polytheism and human likeness, the eternity of all divine attributes, but the absence of the eternity of speech, from which the creation of the Koran follows;
fulfillment of promises: God certainly fulfills all promises and threats;
intermediate state: a Muslim who has committed a grave sin leaves the ranks of believers, but does not become an unbeliever;
command and approval: a Muslim must fight evil by all means.
Houthis (Zaydis, Jarudis)
What does the name mean?
The name "Jarudites" comes from the name of Abul-Jarud Hamdani, a student of al-Shafi'i. And the “Houthis” according to the leader of the group “Ansar Allah” (helpers or defenders of Allah) Hussein al-Houthi.
When did it arise
The teachings of the Zaydis - the 8th century, the Jarudis - the 9th century.
The Houthis are a movement of the late 20th century.
How many followers
Estimated around 7 million.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
Zaydism (named after the theologian Zeid ibn Ali) is the original Islamic movement to which the Jarudis and Houthis belong. Zaydis believe that imams must be from the line of Ali, but they reject his divine nature. They reject the doctrine of the “hidden” imam, the “prudent concealment of faith,” the human likeness of God and absolute predestination. The Jarudites believe that Ali was chosen as caliph based on descriptive characteristics only. The Houthis are a modern organization of Zaydi Jarudis.
Kharijites
What does the name mean?
“Those who spoke”, “who left”.
When did it arise
After the battle between Ali and Muawiyah in 657.
How many followers
Small groups, no more than 2 million worldwide.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
They share the basic views of the Sunnis, but they recognize only the first two righteous caliphs - Umar and Abu Bakr, they advocate the equality of all Muslims of the ummah (Arabs and other peoples), for the election of caliphs and their possession only of executive power.
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In Islam, there are major sins (polytheism, slander, murder of a believer, flight from the battlefield, weak faith, adultery, committing a minor sin in Mecca, homosexuality, false witness, living on interest, drinking alcohol, pork, carrion) and minor sins (not recommended and prohibited actions).
According to the Kharijites, for a major sin a Muslim is equated with an infidel.
One of the main “original” directions of Islam, along with Shiism and Sunnism.
What does the name mean?
Named after the theologian Abdullah ibn Ibad.
When did it arise
At the end of the 7th century.
How many followers
Less than 2 million worldwide.
Main areas of residence
Ideas and customs
According to Ibadis, any Muslim can be the imam of a community, citing a hadith about the prophet in which Muhammad argued that even if an “Ethiopian slave with his nostrils torn out” established the law of Islam in the community, he must be obeyed.
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Abu Bakr and Umar are considered righteous caliphs. The imam must be the full-fledged head of the community: a judge, a military leader, and an expert on the Koran. Unlike Sunnis, they believe that hell lasts forever, the Koran was created by people, and God cannot be seen even in Paradise or imagined to be similar to a person.
Azraqites and Najdis
It is believed that Wahhabis are the most radical movement of Islam, but in the past there were much more intolerant movements.
What does the name mean?
The name Azrakites is named after the spiritual leader - Abu Rashid Nafi ibn al-Azrak, Najdites - after the name of the founder Najda ibn Amir al-Hanafi.
When did it arise
Ideas and customs of the Azarkites
A radical offshoot of Kharijism. They rejected the Shiite principle of “prudent concealment of one’s faith” (for example, under pain of death and other extreme cases). Caliph Ali ibn Abu Talib (revered by many Muslims), Uthman ibn Affan and their followers were considered unbelievers. The Azraqites considered uncontrolled territories to be a “land of war” (dar al-harb), and the population living on it was subject to destruction. The Azrakites tested those who moved to them by offering to kill the slave. Those who refused were killed themselves.
Najdite ideas and customs
The existence of a caliph in religion is not necessary; a community can have self-government. Killing Christians, Muslims and other non-Christians is permitted. In Sunni territories you can hide your beliefs. He who commits a sin does not become an infidel. Only those who persist in their sin and commit it repeatedly can become infidels. One of the sects, which later broke away from the Najdites, even allowed marriages with granddaughters.
Ismailis
What does the name mean?
Named after the son of the sixth Shiite imam Jafar al-Sadiq - Ismail.
When did it arise
End of the 8th century.
How many followers
About 20 million
Main areas of residence
Ismailism contains some features of Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Judaism and minor ancient cults. Adherents believe that Allah infused his divine spirit into the prophets from Adam to Muhammad. Each prophet is accompanied by a “samit” (silent one), who only interprets the words of the prophet. With each appearance of such a prophet, Allah reveals to people the secrets of the universal mind and divine truth.
Man has complete free will. 7 prophets should come into the world, and between their appearances the community should be governed by 7 imams. The return of the last prophet - Muhammad, the son of Ismail, will be the last incarnation of God, after which divine reason and justice will reign.
Famous Ismailis
Nasir Khosrow, 11th century Tajik philosopher;
Ferdowsi, the great Persian poet of the 10th century, author of the Shahnameh;
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Rudaki, Tajik poet, 9th-10th century;
Yaqub ibn Killis, Jewish scholar, founder of Cairo Al-Azhar University (10th century);
Nasir ad-Din Tusi, 13th-century Persian mathematician, mechanic and astronomer.
It was the Nizari Ismailis who used individual terror against the Turks who were called assassins.
What does the name mean?
After the name of one of the founders of the movement, Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Ismail ad-Darazi, an Ismaili preacher who used the most radical methods sermons. However, the Druze themselves use the self-name “muvakhhidun” (“united” or “monotheists”). Moreover, they often have a negative attitude towards al-Darazi and consider the name “Druze” offensive.
When did it arise
How many followers
More than 3 million people. The origin of the Druze is controversial: some consider them to be descendants of the oldest Arab tribe, others consider them to be a mixed Arab-Persian (according to other versions, Arab-Kurdish or Arab-Aramaic) population who arrived in these lands many centuries ago.
Main areas of residence
The Druze are considered an offshoot of the Ismailis. A person is considered a Druze by birth and cannot convert to another religion. They accept the principle of “prudent concealment of faith,” while deception of people of other faiths for the sake of the interests of the community is not condemned. The highest clerics are called “ajavid” (perfect). In conversations with Muslims, they usually position themselves as Muslims, however, in Israel they more often define the doctrine as an independent religion. They believe in the transmigration of souls.
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The Druze do not have polygamy, prayer is not obligatory and can be replaced by meditation, there is no fasting, but is replaced by periods of silence (refraining from revealing the truth to the uninitiated). Zakat (charity for the benefit of the poor) is not provided, but is perceived as mutual assistance. Among the holidays, Eid al-Adha (Eid al-Adha) and the day of mourning Ashura are celebrated. As in the rest of the Arab world, in the presence of a stranger, a woman must hide her face. Everything that comes from God (both good and evil) must be accepted unconditionally.
The school of religious philosophy on which the Shafi'i and Maliki legal schools rely.
What does the name mean?
Named after the 9th-10th century philosopher Abul-Hasan al-Ashari
When did it arise
They are located between the Mu'tazilites and supporters of the Asari school, as well as between the Qadarites (supporters of free will) and the Jabarites (supporters of predestination).
The Quran was created by people, but its meaning is the creation of Allah. Man only appropriates the actions created by God. The righteous can see Allah in Paradise, but this cannot be explained. Reason takes precedence over religious tradition, and Sharia only regulates everyday issues, but still any reasonable evidence is based on the basic tenets of faith.
Alawites (Nusayris) and Alevis (Kizilbash)
What does the name mean?
The movement received the name “Alawites” after the name of the prophet Ali, and “Nusairites” after one of the founders of the sect, Muhammad ibn Nusayr, a student of the eleventh imam of the Shiites.
When did it arise
How many followers
About 5 million Alawites, several million Alevis (no exact estimates).
Main areas of residence
Alawite ideas and customs
Like the Druze, they practice taqiya (hiding religious views, mimicry of the rituals of another religion), and consider their religion to be secret knowledge accessible to a select few.
Alawites are also similar to Druze in that they have gone as far as possible from other directions of Islam. They pray only twice a day, are allowed to drink wine for ritual purposes and fast for only two weeks.
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It is very difficult to draw a picture of the Alawite religion for the reasons stated above. It is known that they deify the family of Muhammad, consider Ali to be the embodiment of the Divine Meaning, Muhammad the Name of God, Salman al-Farisi the Gateway to God (a gnostically meaningful idea of the “Eternal Trinity”). It is considered impossible to know God, but he was revealed by the incarnation of Ali in the seven prophets (from Adam, including Isa (Jesus) to Muhammad).
According to Christian missionaries, Alawites venerate Jesus, the Christian apostles and saints, celebrate Christmas and Easter, read the Gospel at services, take communion with wine, and use Christian names.
The contradictions between Shiites and Sunnis are the main reason for many bloody wars in the Middle East and in North Africa. This division, which is essentially purely religious, has had real social and political consequences. Moreover, the entire East is split along these lines - even the struggle for regional dominance is taking place between Sunni and Shiite states, where the leaders are, respectively, Saudi Arabia and Iran. Of course, there are more Sunni states, however, this does not smooth out the contradictions, since hostility has been going on for too long, which no one wanted to stop.
The conflict in Syria began largely for the same reason - the ruling minority (Alawites) did not reflect the real socio-religious composition of the population, so this caused dissatisfaction among the Sunni majority. It should be noted that the Alawites are followers of a synthetic sect that combines the teachings of Christianity and Ismailis, as well as some pre-Islamic faiths. As a result, some believe that they cannot be called Muslims at all. The Assad family are representatives of this particular branch of Islam. Syria as a whole is a multi-religious state, as Sunnis, Shiites, Christians, Druze, and many smaller sects live here. However, the most key confrontation is between the Sunnis and the Shiites, as other groups mostly aligned themselves with one side or the other. For example, Christians have traditionally supported the Assad family and the Alawites thanks to Hafez al-Assad's wise policies to improve relations with them.
It is difficult to calculate the number of representatives of the Alawite branch of Shiism, since there is no corresponding column in the population censuses in both Turkey and Syria (and they live in these two states). But according to rough estimates, there are about 12% of them in Syria (2.5 million people). The places of their compact settlement are Latakia and Tartus. It should be noted that it was in these territories that during the entire war, government troops did not give up their positions. And the Russian air operation also took place from the territory of these two governorates. It was the Alawites that Assad relied on as the support of the regime, since internal troops Syria consisted almost entirely of this ethnic minority.
It is worth noting the complexity of the country’s religious and ethnic composition, since belonging to a particular ethnic group is determined precisely by religion. Accordingly, two identities intersect, which influences their significant strengthening and aggravation of ethnic and religious feelings. Thus, we see that despite the fact that Assad’s authoritarianism was completely secular, his reliance on representatives of his own ethnic group did not lead to the unification of all groups into a single nation, but only further separated them. At this stage of the conflict, many Alawites are simply tired of the war and refuse to support the regime of Bashar al-Assad, so they desert from the army. However, desertion is also observed among other opposing forces.
The centuries-old conflict continues
Many Muslims sincerely dislike Alawites, considering them a heresy, and their religion a distortion of the true faith. Alawites, in turn, are also in no hurry to establish ties with Muslims; they are rather moving closer to Christians. However, thanks to a series of declarations, the Alawites declared themselves part of Shiite Islam. Under Bashar al-Assad, there was a process of active rapprochement between Syria and Shiite Iran. And that is why all the nearby Sunni countries wanted to strike some blow at this union and began to sponsor the active growth of radical groups in Syria in order to further aggravate the conflict, and then spread it to Iraq.
At the moment, the confrontation between Shiites and Sunnis has taken on a very fierce form. Shiites are mainly represented by Bashar al-Assad's troops, as well as Iranian military aid and Lebanese Hezbollah. But there are Sunnis both in the opposition and in radical terrorist groups. In particular, the opposition is more or less secularized and aimed at the civilian goals of establishing democratic rule, while radical paramilitary formations are distinguished by extreme Islamism and a willingness to die for faith and the caliphate. Of course, this is both the Al-Nusra Front and the Islamic State. In words, the West maintains contact exclusively with the secular opposition and does not help the Islamists in any way, while at the same time, from the point of view of suppressing the Assad regime, it is more effective to have as many parties to the conflict as possible.
The war between Sunnis and Shiites has continued since the split of Islam in the eighth century. And a particularly aggressive position in it is taken by Sunnis, who often do not recognize Shiites as Muslims in principle. The Islamic State is an example of radical Sunnism, the goal of which is to create a caliphate, in contrast to Al-Qaeda, which fought against the global and regional dominance of first the USSR and then the United States. The reason for this difference is that ISIS is a new generation of radicals who are no longer guided by purely negative goals, such as freeing themselves from the oppression of superpowers, but are interested in creating a true Muslim state from Spain to China. Therefore, their social base more, since jihad is a devout action for any Muslim. Many experts assess the desire to create a caliphate as a manifestation of frustration among young Muslims associated with the disastrous situation in their states compared to the so-called “golden billion.”
Let's return to Shiites and Sunnis. The same complicated story There was also a relationship in Iraq, since there the first person who began the persecution of Shiites was Saddam Hussein. And everything would have been fine, but after the fall of his regime there was no longer anyone to restrain the deep-seated contradictions between religious confessions. Western countries behaved in exactly the same way - they played on religious contradictions for their own purposes. Thus, Great Britain preferred to give power in its colonies to large Sunni clans, while the Shiites found themselves on the periphery political life, because of which uprisings regularly broke out.
But the United States, on the contrary, brought the Shiite majority to power in Iraq, after which it left the country’s government to independently deal with the discontent of the former ruling clans. It is not surprising that the country’s new Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, in turn, began to pursue an anti-Sunni policy. In particular, Sunnis lost high positions in the army, which took away their powerful leverage. As a result, part of the Iraqi population now very much welcomes ISIS, considering them the best alternative to the state that oppresses them in every possible way. Such processes indicate that the new government is unable to initiate national reconciliation and only wants to take revenge on the former elite.
Spread of Shia throughout the Middle East
It must be said that Iraq and Iran are now the defenders of Shiites around the world. In particular, Iraq is home to a huge number of Shia holy places, where pilgrims from all over the world go. For example, Karbala, where the tomb of Imam Hussein (grandson of Muhammad) is located. Consequently, these monuments are now under threat of destruction due to the rise of ISIS. This makes Iran want to help in every possible way in the fight against the Islamic State in order to protect the holy places. Lebanese Hezbollah, consisting of Shiites, also promised to do everything to protect the shrines - including the active destruction of Sunnis. However, in this moment there is a significant threat of the Sunni minority coming to power in Iraq thanks to the forces of the Islamic State. This will be a failure for Iran, since not so long ago the country fought a long military conflict with Saddam Hussein.
The most difficult aspect of the situation in Iraq is that local Sunnis have a negative attitude towards and fear of government forces. Consequently, they can only rely on ISIS to protect their rights. Therefore, the situation is truly stalemate. However, not all Iraqi Sunnis are supporters of ISIS - many of them want to fight against terrorists and even ask the state to military assistance, but the latter does not trust them and ignores these demands. As a result, many people began to leave their homes and go to Baghdad as refugees. We see that due to the ill-conceived and narrow-mindedness of Iraq’s policy towards the Sunnis, the state is prolonging the war indefinitely and openly sabotaging the fight against Daesh.
On the other hand, Saudi Arabia wants to defend its claims to hegemony in the region. The country morally, financially and militarily supports Sunnis in the Middle East in every possible way. Their policy is aimed primarily at the spread of Salafi Islam, which is why huge financial flows come out of Saudi Arabia to support paramilitary Salafi groups. Arabia feels real danger, as the number of Shia countries near the country's borders is increasing. In particular, in Bahrain, the Shiite majority has long been dissatisfied with the Sunni government and it is not known what this will lead to. In Yemen, the Saudis are trying in vain to suppress the spread of Zaydism, one of the Shiite sects. And about 15% of Shiites live inside the country, who inhabit the oil-bearing areas in the east.
Riyadh became concerned about its status back in 2003, when a decision was made to form a Shiite government in Iraq. Now it seems to them that Iran is always to blame for everything, since Tehran has long been striving to become the center of the Islamic world. It became even worse when Iran ceased to be an outcast and began to establish foreign policy relations with the Western world (in particular, this concerns oil exports).
Thus, we can say that ISIS appeared precisely where the Sunnis were disadvantaged quite severely. Basically, these are territories in which the Shia elite ruled, and the access of others to power was significantly limited.
Of course, ISIS is far from being an army of fanatics, but a fairly well-organized force, which differs little in discipline from a regular state army. Among the terrorists are professional soldiers and strategists who can skillfully direct people into battle. Salafis also have a large number of modern weapons that they managed to capture or buy with donated money. The only thing that distinguishes them as radical Islamists is their commitment to terrorism and suicidal attacks.
What are the differences between Sunnis and Shiites
The Russian air operation in Syria was perceived by many experts and participants in the conflict as participation in a religious war, they say they are helping the Shiites fight the Sunnis. Therefore, many Shiite countries reacted positively to this information, while Sunni countries did the opposite. The conflict is unlikely to be resolved peacefully, since its roots lie in the lack of adequate representation of different religious groups in politics, as well as in the incorrect image of the outsider, which is deliberately constructed by politicians.
Let's get back to the point - how do Sunnis differ from Shiites? It is believed that when Islam arose, the community of believers (ummah) was united. However, in the seventh century AD, Caliph Uthman was killed and it was then that a split occurred among Muslims. Further, this split only increased as the caliphate expanded. At the same time, the conquered peoples combined the tenets of Islam with their traditional views, which led to the active development of various sects, which further strengthened the religious diversity of the ummah. These processes caused an active reaction on the part of orthodox theologians, which, in fact, resulted in the emergence different types Islam. Each direction interpreted the true faith in its own way and intended to unite the entire ummah precisely on the basis of its views.
The term “Ahl al-Sunnah” itself was introduced a century later to designate devout Muslims. It was invented by Ibn Sirin. This was done in order to condemn the spread of “untrue” faith among various sects. Thus, the Sunnis initially managed to maintain unity and prevent the emergence of any innovations in the religion. Traditionalism among Sunni theologians is explained by the fact that the prophet Muhammad allegedly predicted the split of Islam into opposing sects, but among them there would be a true ummah that would be saved. It is believed that these lucky ones will be the Sunnis, since the presence of diverse schools among them does not in any way harm unity.
The tenets of Sunnism were formulated precisely as a result of polemics with other schools, such as Shiites, Kharijites, and so on. After which purely Sunni schools arose, such as Ash'arites, Salafis, Maturids, which later became orthodox for Sunnism.
Currently, Sunnis are the largest group of Muslims, making up 90% of all believers in Allah (more than 1.5 billion people). Their dogma is to follow the Sunnah, that is, the biography of the Prophet Muhammad, his actions and quotes. In addition, loyalty to tradition and universal participation in the election of the caliph are postulated. It should be noted that the content of Sunniism is clearer than Shiism, as we will see later.
Salafism is one of the areas of Sunnism that advocates a return to the traditions of the early Muslim community. All subsequent innovations are recognized as unrighteous and harmful. Western contacts are even more considered undesirable, and religion is understood in the form in which Muhammad interpreted it.
The main postulate of this movement is the unity of God, therefore Islam must be cleansed of heresies that contain admixtures of various cultural characteristics of other peoples. In addition, Salafis believe that each person can independently communicate with Allah, without the help of intermediaries. This faith is characterized by a ban on the veneration of the relics of saints or the veneration of prophets, since this is a manifestation of polytheism. Salafism aims to unite the entire ummah based on the original version of Islam. At the moment, many radical Islamist groups adhere to this trend.
Religious divisions of Syria
Wahhabism is another current of Islam that is characteristic of modern jihadists. Its creator, Muhammad ibn Wahhab, believed that only the first three generations of Muslims practiced true Islam, so again he was against any innovation. From the point of view of social scientists, the reasons for the emergence of Wahhabism are socio-political in nature, since it appeared among poor Bedouins who protested against the power of the rich. In particular, this happened during the onset of drought and mudflows, due to which the production base of the economy was significantly reduced. As a result, the tax burden became unbearable, and the nobility seized all irrigation facilities.
Many modern Wahhabis deny this name for their faith, saying that they are ordinary Salafis. Wahhabis deny that their religion requires the killing of infidels, but it is aimed at uniting the Muslim community, so schismatics must be punished. Currently, Wahhabism is recognized as an extremist movement in Islam, as it denies traditional Sufism. In the 1990s, fundamentalism seeped into North Caucasus, where it led to violent clashes between Wahhabis and adherents of traditional Islam.
If we talk about Shiism, it can be completely different. The Shiites are united only by the recognition of the descendants of Ali ibn Abu Talib as the legitimate heirs of the Prophet Muhammad. The predominant school is the so-called Twelvers. Shiites are distinguished by the idea that the ummah can be led exclusively by an imam, appointed by Allah himself. But the imam must be elected exclusively from the descendants of that same Ali. Shiites have a negative attitude towards the caliphate, since the caliphs were not chosen by Allah. In total, Shiites make up 20% of the total number of Muslims. They make up the majority of the population in Iraq, Iran, Azerbaijan and Bahrain, and a third of the population in Lebanon and Kuwait.
Thus we see how seemingly small differences can cause people to hate and kill each other for centuries. Today, the most formidable Sunni force is the Islamic State, which this time has decided to unite the ummah in a caliphate the size of the entire Eurasia. So far they have not succeeded, but they have managed to plunge the entire Middle East into the chaos of civil wars and religious contradictions. We've already written about who benefits and who supports whom, so there are doubts that religion really lies at the root of current events. Most likely, it serves as a screen behind which real politics is carried out in all its unseemly ways.
Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad Zarif stated that the enmity between the two main sects of Islam, Sunnis and Shiites, now poses the greatest threat to the security of the planet. “Some nations are fanning this hostility out of their own narrow political interests,” he said in an interview with the BBC. “I think we need to understand that the sectarian division of the Islamic world threatens us all.”
Sectarian showdowns
Currently, the antagonism is most pronounced in three countries in the Middle East and South Asia: Syria, Iraq and Pakistan. The bloody events there pose a deadly threat not only to the region, but to the entire planet, the chief Iranian diplomat believes.
The struggle between Sunnis and Shiites has been going on for well over a thousand years, but in the last ten years, after the outbreak of the war in Iraq, it has become especially cruel, uncompromising and bloody.
In Iraq, almost 6,500 civilians were killed in sectarian clashes in the first ten months of this year. This country has not suffered such casualties among civilians since 2008.
The much bloodier conflict in Syria began as Civil War between the opposition and the government, but quickly descended into sectarian strife.
In Syria, the complex and at the same time simple picture the main confrontation of the 21st century. President of Syria Bashar al-Assad- Alawite, adherent of one of the currents of Shiism. Naturally, he is an ally of Shiite Iran. However, while in Iran the vast majority of the population is Shiite, in Syria there are more Sunnis. Sunni rebels are now up in arms trying to overthrow the hated Shiite government.
Allies are lined up behind the warring parties in the Syrian conflict: the Sunnis support the rebels, and the Shiites, accordingly, support the Assad government. The main allies of the opposition are Turkey, Saudi Arabia and, until recently, Qatar, which, after the change of power, significantly reduced its foreign policy ambitions and reduced its activity in the international arena. Damascus has fewer allies, but they - Iran and the Lebanese paramilitary organization Hezbollah - are more determined than their opponents.
Now many people openly say that in Syria there is a war going on not between the rebels and Bashar al-Assad, but between the Sunnis, on whose side, in addition to the monarchies of the Persian Gulf, the West stands, and the Shiites, who, in addition to Iran, are supported by Russia and the PRC.
On several fronts
Another front in the war between Sunnis and Shiites is Yemen. Riyadh supports Salafist groups in the southern Arabian Peninsula country, including the Islah party, which is rumored to be funded by Qatar, although it of course denies receiving money from abroad. Saudi Arabia's support for the Salafis is one of the important reasons why new mode in Sanaa, in turn, supports the Shiite “rebels” of the Houthis, based in the Yemeni provinces of Saada, Al-Jawf and Hajjah bordering Saudi Arabia. The Houthis, according to Saudi Sunnis, are also supported by Iran.
Riyadh and, naturally, the governments of the United States, Great Britain and other Western countries that have allied relations with it also support the Sunni monarchy in Bahrain. As you might guess, they accuse Tehran of supporting the Bahraini Shiites, who make up the majority of the island's population.
Mohammed Zarif believes that all parties should now forget about differences in Syria and not inflate the conflict, but work together to resist sectarian hostility. The head of the Foreign Ministry of Shiite Iran, of course, has in mind his main rival in the region - Saudi Arabia. In Riyadh, as you might guess, Tehran is blamed for fanning the flames of the Syrian conflict. The capitals of the two largest states in the region understand the danger of the current situation, but cannot stop.
Middle Eastern metamorphoses
Yesterday, Riyadh officially abandoned its seat as a temporary member of the UN Security Council. Saudi Arabia refused the place in the organization that everyone dreams of, not so much because of the events in Syria, as the official version says, but because of the Iranian threat. Riyadh does not hide the fact that they are outraged by Washington’s refusal to bomb Damascus and are frightened by its possible reconciliation with Tehran, which will have numerous and difficult to calculate negative consequences for the Saudis.
Hatred of Assad's Alawite regime in Syria, overwhelming suspicion of Iran's nuclear ambitions and the overall danger of an advance by Shiite Islam are working wonders for the Sunni monarchies of the Persian Gulf. Saudi Arabia's threats to change the vector of the kingdom's foreign policy are just small things. The life-and-death struggle with the Shiites forces Arab sheikhs, emirs and kings to even become allies... of Israel, which they have many times vowed to destroy and wipe out from the face of the earth.
The West's romance with the Sunnis
The fact that the struggle between Sunnis and Shiites could end disastrously for the entire planet is, of course, understood in Washington. They, too, are making whatever contribution they can to the cause of peace in the region – due to their views and understanding of the situation. The last feasible contribution to the pacification of the Middle East will probably be weapons, including GBU-39 missiles and bombs for destroying underground bunkers, worth $10.8 billion, which America intends to supply to Sunni Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Given the situation in the region, these weapons will most likely be used not against Israel, but against Iran.
The romance between Western democracies and Sunni monarchy-dictatorships, which only recently seemed impossible, is proceeding rapidly with mutual reproaches of infidelity.
Saudi Arabia, for example, blames Washington, among other things, for not supporting its policies in Bahrain. Riyadh and Abu Dhabi sent troops to suppress Shiite demonstrations the year before, and Washington slightly scolded them for this.
The Saudis also accuse Barack Obama is that he allowed to overthrow Hosni Mubarak and supported the legally elected Mohamed Morsi. Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf monarchies are especially irritated by the Americans’ explanations that Morsi is the legally elected president, because, for obvious reasons, they are not particularly warm about the elections.
Now Riyadh is literally showering the new Egyptian regime with money. Ironically, he congratulated the Egyptian military and... Bashar al-Assad. Damascus believes that the Egyptian army, like the Syrian government, is fighting against extremists striving for power. Mohamed Morsi, we recall, before becoming president, was one of the leaders of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.
True, this is where the amazing coincidences end. Riyadh also supports Salafis in Egypt. Now, in one of the sharp 180-degree turns that life and politics in the Middle East are so rich in, they have suddenly become supporters of the military and, therefore, opponents of their former allies, the Muslim Brotherhood. Salafis are considered one of Assad's most persistent and fierce opponents.
It seems that the White House and the State Department have long been hopelessly confused in all the intricacies of the extremely complex politics of the Middle East and have forgotten that 15 of the 19 participants in the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 were Salafists and citizens of Saudi Arabia.
